Saturday, March 28, 2020

Labor Day Essays - Charade, Films, , Term Papers

Labor Day Labor Day Charade Peter Noel plays fast and loose with the facts to attack me [At Each Other's Throats, October 6]. I did not march behind a racist float in a Labor Day Parade in Broad Channel, Queens, as he wrote, which he knows since he told one of my staff members that he has my statements strongly and publicly condemning that grossly racist float. In fact, I was at the front of the parade campaigning among the people who were watching, and left when it started raining. The float was at the very end of the parade. Had I seen it, I would have loudly protested before leaving. Noel tries to cover his falsehood by seeming to give my side, writing that Hevesi later denied he was aware that the float was part of the parade. That makes me sound like a weasel. As if I marched behind this float, but now I'm trying to claim that I didn't know it was part of the parade. That is not what happened, and it is not what I said. I have fought against bigots of every type and every color. I denounced Joseph Kovner, the Jewish council member from Deer Park, New York, when he called State Comptroller Carl McCall a Harlem nigger, and demanded Kovner's resignation. I condemned the bigotry of Queens council member Julia Harrison when she attacked Asians, and I supported her Asian opponent in the last election. I have gone to Queens to confront school board member Frank Borzellieri and his campaign of hate against racial minorities and gay men and lesbians. And I attacked Khallid Muhammad as the leading anti-Semite, anti-Catholic and anti-gay bigot in America. Disagree with my positions all you want, but do not use falsehood and distortion to try to paint me as a racist. Alan G. Hevesi Comptroller City of New York Peter Noel replies: It doesn't matter if Alan Hevesi was at the back or the front of the parade. The truth is that he was at a racist parade, and was exposed. It strains credulity that he was not aware of the float carrying white men in blackface parodying the murder of a black man in Jasper. This was not the mammoth West Indian Parade or the St. Patrick's Day Parade. This was a tiny parade in a predominantly white, backwater enclave in Queens. Is this the same Alan Hevesi who could not separate Khallid Abdul Muhammad, the messenger, from the message of the Million Youth March? Hevesi's dilemma is that he doesn't know how to undo the political harm he has done to the African American community. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Ahoy Vey What the hell is Karla Jay talking about? [Queers Ahoy: The High Price of Gay and Lesbian Travel, September 29] Maybe the ignorant, racist/colonialist/imperialist tourist who wants to travel, but not see? Such tourism--gay or straight--should be examined. These cruises and packages often have exclusive beachfront properties in places like Jamaica, leaving locals with less and less seafront access. Why not stay home? Go to Florida. Why the Nile, or the Bahamas, or Thailand? Clearly, not for the history, culture, or the people. In Jay's discussion of sex, she blatantly disregards the populations of several travel destinations. Was it that she was writing about gay clients of the sex trade--not straight businessmen with poor Thai women--that allowed the Voice to print this article that disregards the lack of economic and social mobility that exists for young Thai men? In the piece, a travel agent is quoted as stating of Thailand that the sex is very readily available and elderly gentlemen are the delight of young Thais. Really? Finally, Queers Ahoy and queer package trips themselves assume terrible things: that straight and gay people cannot be social partners (one man in the article laments the possibility of having dinner with straight people); that gay people have not carved out niches wherever they live in the world; that as a traveler you have no interest in meeting locals and finding out how they live; that you can act any way you like wherever you go in the world. Queer, or loving the same sex, means different things all over the world. Find out instead

Saturday, March 7, 2020

Argumentative essay LAWS

Argumentative essay LAWS Argumentative essay LAWS Effectiveness of Law Enforcement Suitability of Formal Law Enforcement in Conflicting Crime As stated by Ashbel, Wall, and Tracey, â€Å"The primary mission of law enforcement is to maintain peace and order and provide a safe environment† (Ashbel, Wall, and Tracey 1). In addition, law enforcement experts have the mandate of providing a safe habitation for everyone. All domains in law enforcement have their own roles, which have interconnections regarding their primary motive-providing public safety. Harvey Wiener in his chapter 5 introduction article put it, â€Å"Yet, to judge by the current events, it seems that many people in America see the government as an evil to be avoided rather than an avenue for sustaining life in a just world† (Wiener 161). This raises the question whether the law enforcement practices are fair to people over whom it has jurisdiction. This shows that law, despite the fact that its enforcement is vital, some elements in its practice leave questions regarding its suitability. It therefore becomes the main objective of this paper to determine the validity of these arguments. Elrich and Brower state, â€Å"Increased punishment for offenders culminates to a substantial reduction in crime frequency† (Elrich and Brower 99). As such, there is an increased risk with regard to victimization due to the practical private law enforcement. In addition, the protection measures severity increase, which is associated with the increase in scope of the prevention variables. In everyone’s knowledge, it is universally agreed that punishment prevents crime, and as Elrich and Brower put it, â€Å"There are three possible reasons that act as a punishment’s causal interpretations† (Elrich and Brower 99). One of them is punishment as a prevention variable in preventing crime, as a disincentive of any criminal activity. This makes the entire practice of law enforcement vague and difficult to understand, especially pertaining to its efficiency and func tionality. In the recent past, the application of the so-called ‘Economics of Crime’ in the United States has been on the rise. As Frey states, â€Å"Assume that a lot of punishment prevents crime† (Frey 92). It is vital to comprehend that punishment is substantively effective even when not applied. According to the economics of crime, punishment mechanisms serve as signals to show what kind of behavior is both morally and legally undesired by the lawmakers. Expressive punishment procedures therefore reveal that they are the only possible actions to apply when it becomes difficult to impose other types of punishment. The second component is the mechanism of humiliating the offenders. This entails the strategies whereby offenders are actively exposed to the public. Consequently, their reputation is diminished. The accompanying distrust is very negative for the perpetrators, instigating dishonor, especially in their profession. The other mechanisms revolve around c rushing the perpetrator, for example confronting the victims, usually targets psychic effects. For example, a killer of a father can be forced to share the experience of any immense loss suffered by the children and the widow. Offering of lower wages is also one of the measures. This makes the perpetrators more socially withdrawn. The other component advocates that under no circumstances can crime be tolerated. This is based on the alleged broken window theory. In this, even the perpetrators of the somewhat insignificant misdemeanors must be severely punished in the quest to discourage the public from deviating from the law. Others support life imprisonment after a perpetrator commits two minor offences. To the government side, it might be that if a perpetrator gets a punishment of the same level as that of a major crime, he may tend to commit the most significant ones. It therefore raises the question whether the system is fair enough, or whether it aids in committing big crimes. I n an anthology called Campus Climate Control by